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The Caste System in English soccer helped spur support for the British National Party in the recent European Parliament election
by Karl Baxter
(11/6/09) Because many diseases spread gradually and by degrees, they are often unnoticed by those they afflict – be they individuals or entire societies – until the moment arrives when the victim takes a good look in the mirror and realizes with horror their true condition. Sometimes, what it takes is for a tumor to break forth or for a carbuncle to burst, spewing out its pus.
Something analogous to this happened on a December night last year, when one of the many non-White, non-British “superstars” who have colonized English football sent a powerful fist crashing into the face of an innocent, young English girl in a bar, simply because she had refused to perform the usual debasing sexual services that this animal took as his right from a society diseased by globalism and multiculturalism, a society that had gradually been purged of its traditional moral values and taught to worship celebrity and its dark-skinned colonizers.
Make no mistake about it, on that December night, the British-born Jamaican footballer Marlon King, a Wigan Athletic player then on loan to Hull City, felt that – far from committing a brutal and vicious act of violence – he himself had been the victim. After all, like countless other celebrity footballers in England’s Premiership, he had become used to a culture where pretty young White girls were readily available for any ‘hot shot’ athlete able to win a few appearances in one of England’s 20 top teams, especially if that athlete also had the additional glamour and cachet of being “young, gifted, and Black” as the song lyrics and catch phrase have it.
For an ordinary young White girl, like 20-year-old Emily Carr, to resist his advances and pass up the chance of performing fellatio – or whichever sexual service is expected these days – on a “Black Premier League superstar,” was the height of disrespect. Indeed, in a society where any rejection of Black dominance and privilege is often construed as racism, Emily Carr’s refusal could even be seen as an evil and immoral act. In King’s view, she fully merited the violent treatment that he then ruthlessly meted out. After crushing her nose and splitting her lip, he exited into the night to return to his pregnant wife – a former Miss Zambia no less – probably well satisfied with the manner in which he had upheld his personal honor and that of his race.
It was perhaps with stunned disbelief that he later learned that a case was being brought against him for what he no doubt considered such a paltry offence. After all this was a man – a Black Jamaican – who had been born in 1980 and grown up in the era of “anti-racism,” when to be Black was a guarantee of privilege, preferment, and leniency against prosecution.
As a youngster growing up in a leftist-run London, characterized by “Black History months,” “Anti-Racist Years,” “affirmative action” housing, employment, sporting, and cultural programs, and constant Black cultural indoctrination through music, dance, and clubs all supported by a fawning mainstream media, King had been taught to believe that Whites were guilt-ridden, racist scum and that any reasonably talented Black man was well within his rights to treat any White woman like a ‘ho,’ especially as many of them willingly accepted this status themselves, running around with Black men and Black gangs, allowing themselves to be pimped, doped, or in other ways mistreated.
This, rather than any other excuses about King being drunk or high, explains the unbelievable arrogance he showed to his victim. Before the assault, he had contemptuously sneered at her, “Don’t you know who I am?” before answering his own question. “I’m a millionaire. You’re not even in my league.”
In a sense, King was as much a victim as his victim. How was he to know that in this one particular case the full weight of the law would to be brought down on him? It never had before. It later emerged that he had been involved in a long list of criminal offences – all of which had been shamefully hushed up by the mainstream media – for which he had received merely one slap on the wrist after another, without any serious punishment.
Slap on the wrist number one: In December 1997, the 17-year-old King had head-butted and punched an opposing player, causing serious injury, for which he received 80 hours community service.
Slap on the wrist number two: In May 1999, he was fined 280 pounds, for fraudulently using a car license and for stealing from a vehicle.
Slap on the wrist number three: In May 2000 he used a cloned credit card to buy a 1,200-pound computer, receiving “a community rehabilitation order.” This is basically legal jargon for being let off scot free. Someone on a CRO only has to keep appointments with a supervising officer, allow visits to his home, if required, and tell the officer if he changes address.
Slap on the wrist number four: In January 2002, after being caught driving drunk without insurance, he received a 650-pound fine and was banned for nine months.
Slap on the wrist number five: In the same month, he picked up his second CRO for a combined offence of criminal damage and receiving property by deception.
Slap on the wrist number six: A few months after being banned from driving, King was caught driving a stolen 30,000-pound BMW Cabriolet. Although he received an 18-month sentence, this was later reduced to 5 months, extremely surprising considering his past record of car-related crime. This was no doubt prompted by White middle class guilt at ‘blighting’ the budding career of the 22-year-old Black player.
Slap on the wrist number seven: A few months after being released from prison, King made an unprovoked attack on two women in central London, punching one in the face, then chasing them. This led to a 1,000-pound fine and 250 pounds in compensation to each of the women.
Slap on the wrist number eight: In January 2006, King approached a woman in central London and slapped her on the backside. When she objected, he slapped her face. When a policeman arrived, he spat at the officer. In view of the previous incident, a stiffer sentence would normally have been imposed, but King only had to pay a 300-pound fine, although the compensation was more.
Bearing in mind that these are only the offences that King was charged for, we can assume that there are several more where charges were either dropped or he escaped the notice of the police altogether. The picture that emerges is of a thieving, violent, misogynistic thug granted a free ride by the system, simply because he was Black and his soccer talent offered the chance of a Black man making a rare success of himself. In order to ensure this “happy ending,” King was let off again and again, with the result that, not surprisingly, he started to develop the delusion that he was effectively above the law. “Breaking that White bitch’s nose,” he probably thought, “what’s that gonna cost me? A morning’s wages – ha!”
But recently things have been changing in Britain. Thanks to the rise of the BNP, the globalist elite who run the country are increasingly nervous about rising nationalism and growing awareness among the indigenous population of the wrongs they have suffered at the hands of multiculturalism. This is one reason why this case, which would probably have been hushed up before, had to be dealt with relatively fairly. Anything else and it would have provided ammunition for the BNP.
With the BNP’s breakthrough in the European election earlier this year and a general election due early next year, the powers-that-be have to be particularly careful about the continued alienation of the White working class, who are clearly tired of being treated like second class citizens in their own country, and are ready to rebel. King’s conviction and 18-month sentence, after a long series of slaps on the wrist, has to be seen in this context.
But even more interesting than this is that King and what he represents – the caste football system in English soccer – may actually have played into the hands of the BNP and helped produce the environment that saw him successfully convicted.
Despite years of growing popularity and successes at council level, the BNP could still be comfortably ignored at national level until June this year, when the twin elections of Andrew Brons and Nick Griffin to the European Parliament finally gave the BNP’s voice official recognition.
Britain elects 72 members of the 736-member European parliament, from 11 UK regions, with each region selecting between 3 and 8 members. The first success of the night came in the Yorkshire and Humber region, a region that elects 6 members, where Andrew Brons got 120,139 votes (9.8%) and was elected as the 6th Member of the European Parliament (MEP) for the region. This was a clear 15,683 votes ahead of the Green Party candidate, who failed to be elected, and represented a comfortable margin.
Things were a lot more difficult for Nick Griffin, standing in the 8-member North West region. Griffin got 132,094 votes (8%) and was narrowly elected as the 8th MEP for the region with a margin of only 4,961 votes over the Green candidate. A few thousand less votes and the mainstream media would have been able to crow over Griffin’s narrow defeat and dismiss Brons’s victory as just a fluke. But, with two members elected in two large Northern regions, stretching from coast to coast, the establishment was forced to admit that the BNP had finally arrived. This led to, among other things, Nick Griffin’s historic first appearance on the BBC’s flagship political debating program “Question Time,” where he came over as cool, calm and collected in front of a specially selected hostile multiracial audience, leading to a further rise in support for the BNP.
Political analysts lazily explained away the BNP’s results by referring to the long-running parliamentary expenses scandal, suggesting that voters were still angry with the established parties, and by talking about the fall out from last year’s credit crunch. What they didn’t talk about was the way that specific communities of working class Whites had been voting and how this might be connected to sport, in particular to soccer and the changes wrought on the game in the last few years through England’s globalized premiership.
A look at localized voting patterns makes interesting reading. The North West region includes several of England’s Premier League teams, amongst them Liverpool, Manchester United, and Wigan. As I have mentioned in other articles both Liverpool and Manchester United are successful teams that have prominent British players and a far higher percentage of White players than most Premiership teams. The teams are thus able to provide their fans with an acceptable and reassuring source of identity.
Wigan, by contrast, has gone through a process of ethnic cleansing since a largely White British team successfully won promotion to the Premiership in 2005. Since then, the club has got rid of British players and replaced them overwhelmingly with non-British and non-White players, like the thug Marlon King, who joined in early 2008.
Back in November 2003, Wigan crushed Crystal Palace 5-0. The team that played that day was representative of the team that later won promotion. Of the 13 players who played, 10 were White, and 9 of these were either English or Scottish, the only White ‘foreigner’ being an Australian! Fast forward to the Wigan team that was crushed 0-4 by Portsmouth on Halloween this year. The horror show reveals that of the 13 players used, 10 were Black and only 3 were White, including solitary Englishman Chris Kirkland in goal.
What sort of effect does such wholesale ethnic cleansing of a football team supported by working class Whites have? The globalist elites who connive at this phenomenon probably think it works as effective propaganda: by presenting then with Black sporting heroes, Whites will come to accept the idea of multiracialism, mass immigration, and the destruction of their racial consciousness.
A detailed look at the voting patterns in the 2009 European elections suggests that they have severely miscalculated. Under the usual barrage of anti-BNP propaganda and dirty tricks, the BNP found the going hard across much or the North West region in the Euro elections. In many places only slight gains were made on their performance in the 2004 elections, when they had also done well but failed to get any candidates elected. The BNP vote increased only marginally in the main cities of the North West, Liverpool and Manchester, but in Wigan it was a different story. Here, according to the “Daily Telegraph,” they picked up their single biggest block of votes, 7,517 – more than enough to make the difference in Nick Griffin’s election.
Apparently not everybody in Wigan had been happy with the changes happening to the local football team. The case of Marlon King can only help this virtuous reaction against the ethnic replacement of the indigenous British, both in their national game and in the country at large. Terrible as the attack on Emily Carr was, it has served the useful purpose of helping to reveal the degree to which a formerly White working-class British sport has become riddled with the cancer of globalism, multiracialism, and anti-White racism.
